Did the walls of Jericho fall?
Tell es-Sultan has been dug more often than any other site in Palestine. The major destruction layer is real. The fight is over its date. Was the burned city Late Bronze (matching Joshua) or Middle Bronze (three centuries too early)? The argument runs through pottery sherds, a clutch of Egyptian scarabs, and a set of carbon-14 dates on charred grain.
Joshua 6 puts a fortified Canaanite city at Jericho around the time of the conquest. There are two standard exodus dates: an early date around 1446 BCE (1 Kings 6:1 read literally) and a late date around 1250 BCE (Rameses II in Exodus 1:11). On either reading, the conquest belongs in the Late Bronze Age. Tell es-Sultan does have a violent destruction layer. The unresolved question is whether that destruction belongs to Joshua's century or to the end of the Middle Bronze Age, roughly 1550 BCE, two and a half centuries before any plausible exodus. The pottery, the Egyptian scarabs, and the radiocarbon dates from the burned grain stores have all been pressed into service on both sides.
What everyone agrees on
Tell es-Sultan is the agreed identification of biblical Jericho. The mound sits beside the spring ʿAin es-Sultan, two and a half kilometers north of the Roman and modern town. The site has been trenched or excavated by Charles Warren in 1868, by Ernst Sellin and Carl Watzinger from 1907 to 1909, by John Garstang from 1930 to 1936, by Kathleen Kenyon from 1952 to 1958, and by an Italian-Palestinian team led by Lorenzo Nigro and Hamdan Taha since 1997. Across all five campaigns, one stratigraphic fact is fixed. There was a massive destruction at the end of the Middle Bronze IIC city, with collapsed mudbrick fortifications, burned houses, and storage jars full of carbonized grain left behind. That destruction is not in dispute. What is in dispute is when it happened, and what was on the site afterward.
The Late Bronze Age (LBA) runs roughly 1550 to 1200 BCE, subdivided as LB IA (1550-1450), LB IB (1450-1400), LB IIA (1400-1300), and LB IIB (1300-1200). The conquest on the early-date reading lands in LB IB or early LB IIA. On the late-date reading it lands in LB IIB. So the question 'was Jericho fortified and inhabited at any point in the LBA?' is what decides whether Joshua 6 has an archaeological footprint.
Each reading takes the same pottery, scarabs, and carbon-14 dates and arrives somewhere different. The pottery is the centerpiece.
- John Garstang, The Story of Jericho (Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1940)
- John Garstang, Joshua, Judges (Constable, 1931)
- Bryant G. Wood, 'Did the Israelites Conquer Jericho? A New Look at the Archaeological Evidence,' BAR 16/2 (1990)
- Bryant G. Wood, 'The Walls of Jericho,' Bible and Spade 12 (1999)
- Bryant G. Wood, in Critical Issues in Early Israelite History (Eisenbrauns, 2008)
- Eugene H. Merrill, Kingdom of Priests (Baker, 1987; 2nd ed. 2008)
- Douglas Petrovich, 'The Dating of Hazor's Destruction in Joshua 11,' JETS 51 (2008)
- Associates for Biblical Research, ongoing publications since 1995
- • Garstang's 'City IV' pottery from the 1930s campaign included Cypriot bichrome ware, a diagnostic LB I import that does not appear in MB IIC contexts elsewhere in the Levant
- • A scarab series Garstang recovered from the cemetery north of the tell included Eighteenth Dynasty types running through Amenhotep III (1390-1352 BCE). The royal-name scarabs included Hatshepsut, Thutmose III, and Amenhotep III, requiring continued use of the cemetery into LB IIA
- • Wood's 1990 re-reading of Kenyon's own pottery plates argued that local Cypriot painted ware and some bichrome-style sherds are present in the destruction debris, which would push the city's last occupation into LB I rather than ending it at MB IIC
- • The destruction shows fallen walls collapsed outward, charred grain stores left in situ, and no signs of plundering or extended siege. The 'walls fell down flat' description in Joshua 6:20 matches that signature
- • The narrative detail of unburned grain stores fits a spring-harvest assault followed by herem (Joshua 6:24 burns the city but explicitly forbids taking the spoil), which the archaeology mirrors at the cereal-storage features
- • Kenyon's stratigraphic separation of MB IIC fill from any later occupation is widely accepted in the field. Most ceramicists read Wood's bichrome identifications as either residual MB IIC, intrusive from later disturbance, or misclassified local ware
- • The Cypriot bichrome ware specifically diagnostic of LB I is absent from Kenyon's tightly controlled trenches, and the sherds Wood points to do not include the secure import types from Enkomi or Maroni
- • The cemetery scarabs include Eighteenth Dynasty types, but the cemetery is separate from the tell. Tombs were reused across centuries, and the presence of a Thutmose III scarab in a tomb does not establish occupation on the mound at that date
- • Bruins and van der Plicht's 1995 radiocarbon series on charred grain from the destruction averaged 1562 ± 38 BCE calibrated, two centuries earlier than the LB I date the position requires
- • No LB I or LB IIA pottery has surfaced in the renewed Italian-Palestinian excavations since 1997, despite open-area exposure of the destruction layer's continuation
The three lines of evidence
Three classes of evidence have done most of the work in the debate. The pottery from City IV is the centerpiece, because Cypriot bichrome ware would settle the LB I identification if it could be secured. The Egyptian royal-name scarabs from the cemetery are the secondary witness. The radiocarbon series on charred grain from the destruction debris is the most recent entry and the one most often cited in the 2000s and 2010s. The columns below lay out how each position handles each line.
All three positions look at the same three datasets. They diverge on which classes of evidence are decisive and how each one is to be read.
Cypriot bichrome ware as the type fossil
The bichrome ware question deserves a closer look because it is what the pottery argument turns on. Cypriot bichrome ware is a tradition of two-color painted pottery (typically red and black) produced on Cyprus in the late seventeenth through fifteenth centuries BCE and traded across the Eastern Mediterranean. The Levantine type series was worked out by Claire Epstein in 1966 and refined by Robert Merrillees and Jacqueline Karageorghis. The diagnostic forms (jugs, bowls with concentric circle motifs, the 'bird and fish' motifs) appear at Tell el-ʿAjjul, at Megiddo, at Tell Abu Hawam, and across the Cypriot exports. Their presence in a sealed context places that context in LB I.
Wood's 1990 BAR article (and his subsequent publications) argued that Garstang's photographs of City IV pottery show LB I features, and that several sherds in Kenyon's published plates have LB I or transitional MB-LB characteristics that Kenyon misclassified. Bienkowski's response (BAR 16/5, 1990) replied that Wood's identifications confuse local Canaanite painted ware with the diagnostic Cypriot type fossils, and that no diagnostic Cypriot bichrome import has been recovered. Both authors are working from the same published material; the disagreement is over typological identification of the ware, not over its physical existence on the site.
The Amenhotep III scarabs
Garstang excavated several rock-cut tombs north of the tell between 1930 and 1936 and published the funerary material in successive Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology volumes. The scarab series from those tombs includes both private-name and royal-name examples, with the royal series running Hyksos, Eighteenth Dynasty (Hatshepsut, Thutmose III, Amenhotep II, Amenhotep III), and beyond. The Amenhotep III scarabs are the latest royal-name examples, and they place at least some tomb use in the second half of the fourteenth century BCE.
What the scarabs do not establish, by themselves, is that the mound above the necropolis was inhabited at the time of the latest scarabs' deposition. Cemeteries are often reused across centuries by populations living elsewhere; the necropolis at Megiddo, for example, includes burials from periods when the tell shows occupation gaps. The early-date position reads continuous tomb use as evidence of continuous settlement; the MB IIC and unoccupied-LB positions read tomb reuse as compatible with an abandoned or much-reduced mound. The scarabs cannot adjudicate the question on their own.
The Bruins and van der Plicht carbon-14 series
In 1995, Hendrik Bruins and Johannes van der Plicht published a radiocarbon analysis of six short-lived cereal samples and twelve charcoal samples from Tell es-Sultan in Radiocarbon 37. The samples came from sealed contexts in the destruction layer of City IV, recovered originally by Kenyon and stored in Jerusalem. The short-lived cereals are the most diagnostic, since charcoal from long-lived trees can give 'old wood' dates that pre-date the destruction by decades or centuries. The six cereal samples averaged 1562 ± 38 BCE calibrated (1σ), which centers on the MB-LB transition and substantially predates either standard exodus date.
Wood's 2008 response (in Critical Issues in Early Israelite History) argued that the samples may have been contaminated during forty years of storage, that calibration uncertainty was understated, and that the carbon-14 result by itself should not override the pottery and scarab evidence. Bruins and van der Plicht have stood by the series in subsequent publications. The carbon-14 question is in stasis pending new sampling.
What each side has to account for
The LB IIA position has to explain the controlled stratigraphy, the absence of Cypriot bichrome imports from sealed contexts, and the 1562 ± 38 BCE carbon series. It has to read the Cypriot-style sherds Wood points to as the diagnostic type fossil rather than as local painted ware. It has to read the cemetery scarabs as evidence of mound occupation rather than as funerary reuse of an older necropolis. The position is not without defenders, and Wood's argument has been worked over in detail at Associates for Biblical Research and in evangelical academic publications. It remains a minority view in the broader field.
The MB IIC position has to explain the cemetery scarabs that run through Amenhotep III, the limited LBA architectural evidence (the 'Middle Building'), and the residual question of whether the eroded upper mound once held an LBA fortification that no excavator has recovered. It has to leave Joshua 6 without a direct archaeological correlate. The position holds that the destruction is the end-of-MB regional event, that the LBA occupation was minimal, and that the Joshua narrative either reflects theologized memory of the visible MB ruin or belongs to a literary tradition older than the archaeology of the tell.
The 'unoccupied in LB' position has to explain why Joshua 6 names Jericho at all if there was nothing there to take. The standard answers are that ha-yericho means 'the moon-city' or 'the fragrant place' and was attached to the spring and the visible ruin regardless of occupation, that the Joshua narrative reflects an older memory of a destruction the audience could still see, or that the conquest narrative is foundation literature shaped by editorial concerns later than any reconstructed settlement event. The position takes the absence of LBA fortifications as decisive, treats the carbon series as confirmation, and accepts that the conquest of Jericho on this reading is a story without a site.
Reading Joshua 6 with the question open
Joshua 6 describes a city Israel marches around for seven days, with priests carrying the ark and trumpets, and walls that fall when the people shout. The narrative does not depend on the archaeological identification of the destruction layer for its theological work. If the LB IIA position is correct, the chapter has a direct archaeological correlate. If the MB IIC or unoccupied-LB positions are correct, the chapter is a memory or a literary construction attached to the visible ruin beside the spring. The pottery, the scarabs, and the carbon series will keep being weighed against each other. The decision on which way the evidence tips has not closed in eighty years of excavation, and is unlikely to close before the next set of samples is run.
Sources
- Joshua 6 (KJV / NRSV)
- Joshua 2 (Rahab at Jericho)
- 1 Kings 6:1 (early-date exodus chronology)
- Exodus 1:11 (Rameses, late-date exodus chronology)
- Joshua 6:17, 6:21, 6:24 (herem and the burning of Jericho)
- Judges 3:13 ('the city of palms' as a residual Jericho reference)
- Josephus, Antiquities 5.1.5-7 (LCL 281, Thackeray/Marcus 1934)
- Eusebius, Onomasticon (4th c. CE), entries on Jericho
- Jerome, Onomasticon (Latin revision, 4th-5th c. CE)
- Egyptian royal-name scarabs of Hatshepsut, Thutmose III, Amenhotep II, Amenhotep III (Garstang cemetery publications, 1932-1936, in Liverpool AAA)
- Amarna Letters (mid-14th c. BCE), Knudtzon edition (1907-1915); Moran translation (Johns Hopkins, 1992)
- Ernst Sellin and Carl Watzinger, Jericho: Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen (Hinrichs, 1913)
- John Garstang, Joshua, Judges (Constable, 1931)
- John Garstang, The Story of Jericho (Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1940)
- Kathleen M. Kenyon, Digging Up Jericho (Benn, 1957)
- Kathleen M. Kenyon, Excavations at Jericho, vols. I-V (British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem, 1960-1983)
- Claire Epstein, Palestinian Bichrome Ware (Brill, 1966)
- Piotr Bienkowski, Jericho in the Late Bronze Age (Aris & Phillips, 1986)
- Amihai Mazar, Archaeology of the Land of the Bible 10,000-586 B.C.E. (Doubleday, 1990)
- Bryant G. Wood, 'Did the Israelites Conquer Jericho? A New Look at the Archaeological Evidence,' Biblical Archaeology Review 16/2 (1990), pp. 44-58
- Piotr Bienkowski, 'Jericho Was Destroyed in the Middle Bronze Age, Not the Late Bronze Age,' BAR 16/5 (1990), pp. 45-46, 69
- John S. Holladay Jr., 'The Late Bronze / Iron I Transition in Palestine,' in The Mishneh: Yohanan Aharoni Memorial (Brill, 1990)
- Hendrik J. Bruins and Johannes van der Plicht, 'Tell es-Sultan (Jericho): Radiocarbon Results of Short-Lived Cereal and Multiyear Charcoal Samples from the End of the Middle Bronze Age,' Radiocarbon 37 (1995), pp. 213-220
- Israel Finkelstein, 'The Archaeology of the United Monarchy: An Alternative View,' Levant 28 (1996), pp. 177-187
- Israel Finkelstein and Neil Asher Silberman, The Bible Unearthed (Free Press, 2001)
- William G. Dever, Who Were the Early Israelites and Where Did They Come From? (Eerdmans, 2003)
- Bryant G. Wood, 'The Walls of Jericho,' Bible and Spade 12/3 (1999)
- Bryant G. Wood, 'The Rise and Fall of the 13th-Century Exodus-Conquest Theory,' JETS 48 (2005)
- Lorenzo Nigro, Tell es-Sultan/Jericho in the Early Bronze II-III: Daily Life and Funerary Customs (Sapienza, 2010)
- Lorenzo Nigro and Hamdan Taha (eds.), Tell es-Sultan/Jericho in the Context of the Jordan Valley (Sapienza-MOTA-DACH, 2006-present)
- Eugene H. Merrill, Kingdom of Priests, 2nd ed. (Baker, 2008)